Monday, January 28, 2019

Sports at Hereford College, c. 1908

Like several of the the other small colleges in northwest Texas, Hereford College had its sports teams. Students played tennis, baseball, basketball, and for a few years, football. The main sport was baseball.

In the early 1900s, schools in that region spent no money on sports programs. If students played, depending on what game it was, they first cleared and marked a field; or they set up a court with a tennis net or basketball goals. In addition, student athletes paid for their own equipment and provided their own transportation. On occasion, students were able to persuade some of the townspeople to contribute to the local team. But for the most part, the players themselves spent their own money in order to play.

Some of the more interesting tidbits of information relate to the Hereford football team. In that time and place, uniforms were simple jerseys and trousers, with no protective gear like thigh pads and shoulder pads. Apparently, some players didn't even own a leather helmet.

Hard, open-field hits were not common. A typical play from scrimmage involved hiking the ball to the quarterback who would run down the field surrounded by his teammates. Once the defense surrounded the ball carrier and his blockers, the large throng of players would begin to slow, and one or more of the defenders would make the tackle.

Scoring was also much different than it is today. Typically, when the offense pushed deep into the other team's territory, they would attempt a drop-kick field goal. However, because a touchdown scored more points, some teams preferred to maintain the offensive attack.

In order to overcome a strong defensive goal-line stand, some offenses resorted to a risky play. Within a few feet of the goal, the offense would hike the ball to the quarterback, then pick him up and throw him over the opposing linemen. This play usually produced a touchdown. But it often resulted in a painful injury for the ball carrier. Not long after it became common, officials outlawed this play.


W. M. Stoker, A Pictorial History of Early Higher Education in the Texas Panhandle (Canyon, TX: West Texas State University, 1976), 26, 30.

Sunday, January 27, 2019

Christian Colleges and Disciple Division: Hereford and Lockney

To what degree were the Disciples of Christ distinguished from the Churches of Christ before the U.S. Census Bureau listed them separately beginning in 1906?

The evidence of two Christian colleges established in northwest Texas prior to the recognition of the split suggests that division predated the founding of these schools by a number of years. For example, in his 1955 book, The Story of Texas Schools, C. E. Evans identifies "Pan-Handle Christian College," sometimes called Hereford College, which began in 1902, as a Christian School, while Lockney Christian College, established in 1894, is listed as a Church of Christ School.[1]

Likewise, in his 2018 book, Higher Education in Texas, Charles R. Matthews, Chancellor Emeritus of the Texas State University System, places Hereford Christian College among schools established by the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), and Lockney Christian College among schools established by the Church of Christ.[2]

Although W. M. Stoker in his Pictorial History of Early Higher Education in the Texas Panhandle does not take up the history of the college at Lockney, he does refer to Hereford Christian College's affiliation with the Disciples of Christ.[3]

Scholars writing institutional as opposed to educational history make exactly the same distinction. For example, in his book A History of Colleges Established and Controlled by Members of the Churches of Christ, M. Norvel Young discusses Lockney Christian College, but not the college at Hereford.[4] In the same way, History of the Churches of Christ in Texas, 1824-1950, by Stephen Eckstein Jr., provides information about Lockney Christian College, but does not mention Hereford Christian College.[5] By the same token, in Religion on the Texas Frontier, Carter Boren, who traces the history of the Disciples in the Lone Star State, offers a section titled "Panhandle Christian College, 1902-1911," but says nothing of Lockney.[6] 

In his book The Disciples Colleges: A History, D. Duane Cummins includes a table listing "Church of Christ Colleges" in one column and "Disciples Colleges" in another. He places "Lockney College" in the Church of Christ column and "Hereford-Panhandle Christian College" in the Disciples column.[7]

Of course, it is possible for later sources to simply project into the past a division that did not exist at the earlier time in question. But in this case, the overall evidence suggests that these two Christian colleges were typical of a division that had existed for some time. Beginning in the late-nineteenth century, some leaders and historians of the Restoration Movement in America have insisted that the Civil War did not result in immediate division. But it is much more likely that the radical autonomy of the congregations in the movement made it more difficult for observers to perceive division. Which is to say that I agree with Bill Humble, who in 1965 wrote:
The Civil War . . . so shattered the sense of brotherhood between northern and southern Christians that they could never again be called 'one people' in any meaningful sense.  . . . What had happened was that two threads of alienation--sectional bitterness and antagonistic understandings of the restoration principle--had become tangled together and had shattered the Christians' oneness.[8]

[1] C. E. Evans, The Story of Texas Schools (Austin, TX: Steck Company, 1955), 352, 355.

[2] Charles R. Matthews, Higher Education in Texas: Its Beginnings to 1970 (Denton: University of North Texas Press, 2018), 87-90, 295, 297.

[3] W. M. Stoker, A Pictorial History of Early Higher Education in the Texas Panhandle (Canyon, TX: West Texas State University, 1976), 16.

[4] M. Norvel Young, A History of Colleges Established and Controlled by Members of the Churches of Christ (Kansas City, MO: Old Paths Book Club, 1949), 148-52.

[5] Stephen Daniel Eckstein Jr., History of the Churches of Christ in Texas, 1824-1950 (Austin, TX: Firm Foundation Publishing House, 1963), 166, 170, 209, 217, and 310.

[6] Carter E. Boren, Religion on the Texas Frontier (San Antonio, TX: Naylor Company, 1968), 250-51.

[7] D. Duane Cummins, The Disciples Colleges: A History (St. Louis: CBP Press, 1987), 84.

[8] B. J. Humble, "The Influence of the Civil War." Restoration Quarterly 8 (Fourth Quarter 1965), 246.

Saturday, January 26, 2019

Restoration Missionaries among the Indians, Pre-1830 (6)

Before and during the War of 1812, most American Indians sided with the British against Americans. In places like Indiana Territory, they sometimes targeted white civilians as well as American soldiers. Many years after the war, Elizabeth Boyd Martindale recalled the fear she and other settlers felt for as long as the fighting continued. She remembered that seeing an Indian
even in time of peace would send a thrill of terror to the heart of those unaccustomed to the sight; but when . . . they were daily in search of some poor white emigrant that might fall victim to their scalping knife, then the sight was terrible indeed.[1]
Those realities make the post-war evangelistic work of Samuel Boyd, Elizabeth's father, that much more impressive. Sometime after the war ended in 1814, at least some of the white people living along the frontier realized that they had failed to reach out to the Indians. The Indians, with their former allies, the British, no longer in the U.S., likely understood their need to establish better relations with Americans. A new opportunity emerged. At that point, "many of the early pioneer preachers of Indiana went and labored among them and were successful in implanting Bible truths in their minds and hearts."[2]

Among these missionaries was Samuel Boyd. In fact, Boyd established "a number of preaching places among the Indians." His favorite place was an Indian village called Strawtown, near present-day Alexandria, Indiana. There the Indians "greeted him with warm hearts and listened while he tried to expound to them the way of life."[3]

These were Indians of the Delaware tribe, known to themselves as Lenape or Lenni Lenape. For countless generations, their ancestors had lived on the American east coast, along the Delaware River and the lower part of the Hudson River. But like so many other tribal groups, their encounters with Euro-Americans had forced them westward. The Unami Delaware, a subgroup set off by a distinctive homeland and dialect, lived in Indiana from roughly 1800 to 1820.[4]

Boyd preached at Strawtown, one of several Lenape villages along the west fork of the White River, on many occasions. But this led to yet another harrowing experience and sad memory. During one of his visits, Boyd took with him another preacher named Logan. The two men arrived after a long and difficult trip. So they rested in a hut while dinner was being prepared. Nearby, some Indian children were playing. One of them touched a keg of powder with the smoldering end of a stick.
A terrific explosion followed; the hut was partly demolished and the children were all killed. The ministers escaped being killed; but one hardly knew how. Boyd had lain down on a cot and it whirled upside down and was set on fire. He was too much stunned to extricate himself, and before any one could help him he was badly burned, especially his feet.[5]
Such were the experiences and sacrifices of some believers who attempted to bring the gospel, the message of salvation, to those who had not yet heard and understood.


[1] Elijah Martindale, Autobiography and Sermons of Elder Elijah Martindale, also Pioneer History of the Boyd Family, by Belle Stanford (Indianapolis: Carlon & Hollenbeck, 1892), 131-32.

[2] Ibid., 136-37.

[3] Ibid., 137.

[4] For Strawtown as one of several villages of the Unami Delaware in Indiana, see Chris Flook, Native Americans of East-Central Indiana (Charleston, SC: History Press, 2016), 107-08. For a good overview of the larger group and its history, see Jay Miller, "Delaware," in Encyclopedia of North American Indians, ed. Frederick E. Hoxie (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1996), 157-159.

[5] Autobiography and Sermons of Elder Elijah Martindale, 137-38.

Friday, January 25, 2019

Restoration Missionaries among the Indians, Pre-1830 (5)

In 1811, Samuel Boyd was in search of more land for his large family and ranching operation. He learned that plenty of good land was coming onto the market in Indiana Territory. Soon, the family, driving their livestock, moved north from Adair County, Kentucky, to a new homestead near present-day Jacksonburg, Indiana.[1]

As noted in a previous post, Boyd had been born near the end of the French and Indian War. When the American Revolution broke out, he had fought alongside the colonists, losing his right eye. Now, once again, he was in a war zone.

In the fall of 1811, at what came to be known as Battle Ground, Indiana, the state's governor and future U.S. president William Henry Harrison defeated a coalition of hundreds of Indians allied with the Shawnee leader Tecumseh and his brother, Tenskwatawa, commonly known as "the Prophet."[2]

The Battle of Tippecanoe marked a victory for American forces. But some Americans, with good evidence, blamed the British for aiding and encouraging the Indians to attack. Due in part to that resentment, seven months later the United States declared war on Great Britain.[3] With the outbreak of the War of 1812, the new home site of Samuel Boyd and his family was turned upside down. A generation later, one of Samuel Boyd's children, Elizabeth Martindale remembered those times:
Dangers to the frontier settlers were greatly increased by the inauguration of a second war with Great Britain. The Indians having a grievance, on account of being dispossessed of their lands, could easily be enlisted to commit depredations against white settlers. So there was no security of safety to the emigrants who attempted to make a home in the dense forest that comprised the vast territory of the Wabash valley.[4]

[1]Elijah Martindale, Autobiography and Sermons of Elder Elijah Martindale, also Pioneer History of the Boyd Family, by Belle Stanford (Indianapolis: Carlon & Hollenbeck, 1892), 127-28..

[2] Surveys of American history report this important episode. See, for example, Philip Jenkins, A History of the United States, 4th ed. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 72.

[3] For a good overview of the War of 1812, see Jenkins, 66-69.

[4] Martindale, Autobiography, 129. As the reader discovers, this section of Martindale's book is Belle Stanford's report of the memories of Elizabeth Boyd Martindale, who was a daughter of Samuel and Isabella Boyd. See, especially, page 120.

Tuesday, January 22, 2019

Restoration Missionaries among the Indians, Pre-1830 (4)

In 1785, Samuel Boyd, a veteran of the American Revolution, married Isabella Higgins, who in her younger years had once accompanied Andrew Jackson. It appears that Samuel was always looking for a larger homestead and better soil. Not long after they were married, the Boyds moved from Tennessee to Madison County, Kentucky. Sometime around 1799, with young children, they moved again to a place on the Cumberland River called Horseshoe Bend. Eventually, the family went as far west as Adair County, which in the early nineteenth century was considered "a wilderness part of Kentucky"[1]

Around the time the Boyds moved to Adair County, the great Kentucky revival reached that part of state. In the early days of their marriage, Samuel and Isabella identified as Presbyterians. But now they sided with the so-called Newlights and their home became "one great center for the meetings."[2]

During those years, Barton W. Stone, William Kincade, Moses and Reuben Dooley and David Purviance often preached there. Samuel would occasionally address the gathered crowds with a word of exhortation. Later, he "became an earnest minister of the Gospel."[3] In the summer of 1809, leaders among the Kentucky Christians publicly set him apart as one of their preachers.[4]

By 1811, Samuel Boyd had nine children and was also "blest with flocks and herds." Looking for enough land to accommodate a large family and his successful livestock operation, he decided to move yet again. This time he went to Indiana, where he would spend the rest of his life.[5]


[1] Elijah Martindale, Autobiography and Sermons of Elder Elijah Martindale, also Pioneer History of the Boyd Family, by Belle Stanford (Indianapolis: Carlon & Hollenbeck, 1892), 121-26. The quotation is taken from page 126. As one might guess, along the winding Cumberland River there is more than one spot known as Horseshoe Bend. But given the time period, this is likely a reference to Horseshoe Bend in present-day Whitley County, Kentucky.

[2] Ibid., 121-26. The quotation is taken from page 126.

[3] Ibid., 126-27.

[4] R. L. Roberts, "Boyd, Samuel," in The Churches of Christ (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2001), 182.

[5] Martindale, Autobiography and Sermons, 128.

Friday, January 18, 2019

Restoration Missionaries among the Indians, Pre-1830 (3)

Among those early restorationists who preached to American Indians, one of the more remarkable characters was Samuel Boyd, a man who seemed to attract both danger and providential care. He was born in Virginia, in May 1763, just after the close of the French and Indian War. Sometime later, the Boyd family moved to South Carolina.

When British Americans declared independence in 1776, his family sided with the Patriots and against their Loyalist neighbors. Samuel, though still just a teenager, enlisted in the Continental Army along with his father and two brothers. Tragically, the father and one of his sons died in the war. On two occasions, Tories burned the family's home to the ground.[1]

Samuel himself did not come through the war unscathed. In one skirmish, when many of his company were captured or killed, he was left for dead, "a ball having passed through his temple taking out his right eye."[2] An elderly black woman happened upon the scene and hid the fallen soldier under some loose brush. When the enemy left, she took him home and cared for him until he recovered. It was not uncommon in that day for people to conceal a disfigured eye by covering it with a patch of black silk. But for whatever reason, for the rest of his life Boyd "never tried to conceal the blemish."[3]

More about Samuel Boyd next time.


[1] Elijah Martindale, Autobiography and Sermons of Elder Elijah Martindale, also Pioneer History of the Boyd Family, by Belle Stanford (Indianapolis: Carlon & Hollenbeck, 1892), 122-23. See also, Andrew W. Young, History of Wayne County, Indiana (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke & Co., 1872), 238-39, and R. L. Roberts, "Boyd, Samuel," in The Churches of Christ (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2001), 181-82. For a discussion of the American War for Independence as a civil war, one in which British-American patriots fought British-American loyalists, particularly in the South, see David K. Wilson, The Southern Strategy: Britain's Conquest of South Carolina and Georgia, 1775-1780 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2005). Maya Jasanoff, Liberty's Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World (New York: Vintage Books, 2012), 21-53, examines the American Revolutionary War as a civil war.

[2] Martindale, Autobiography, 121-22.

[3] Ibid., 122-24. The quotation comes from page 124.

Sunday, January 13, 2019

Restoration Missionaries among the Indians, Pre-1830 (2)

The previous post gave attention to the reports of Joseph Thomas about early restorationist preachers who tried to communicate the gospel to American Indians. Again, in 1817 Thomas wrote that some people who identified with the "Christian" movement along the western frontier of the Old Southwest "directed their courses through the wild deserts into the Indian nations." Who were these people?

One was Barton W. Stone, foremost leader among the "Christians" in Kentucky. Apparently, he wrote and delivered at least a few sermons in phonetic Cherokee. The museum at the Cane Ridge Meeting House in Kentucky has one such manuscript. When and where Stone delivered his sermons in Cherokee is uncertain.[1] 

Photo by James Trader, Curator, Cane Ridge Meeting House, Kentucky

Another early restorationist who preached to American Indians was Reuben Dooley. Born in Virginia in 1773, he moved with his family to Kentucky when he was still just a boy. There he would eventually join hands with evangelists like Barton W. Stone and David Purviance.[2]

His father, Moses Dooley, was a staunch Presbyterian elder who taught his children the Calvinist doctrine of predestination. For a time, young Reuben believed he was a reprobate, chosen by God for certain damnation, and played the part. But at the dawn of the Second Great Awakening, a "New Light" Presbyterian preacher named Samuel Findley persuaded him that he could turn from sin and turn to Christ. He did.[3]

Dooley soon realized that even though he had not received a liberal education, and had never studied the Westminster Confession, his urge to preach the good news about Christ brought results. As Levi Purviance put it, "many through his instrumentality were converted to God."[4] He goes on report Dooley's work among Native Americans:
The missionary fire continued to burn in his heart, until it led him to preach to the Cherokee Indians. He went three successive times among them. He was very successful and has often been heard to say, that he never enjoyed happier meetings in his life than he did among these poor neglected creatures. When parting with them, they always strongly solicited him to return and preach to them again.[5]
Not long after this, Dooley's mission was cut short for a lack of money. On one occasion, he had to trade his hymn book for passage across a river. So he "prevailed on his friend and brother David Haggard," the older brother of Rice Haggard, to visit and preach to the Cherokees.[6]


[1] James Trader, curator at the Cane Ridge Meeting House, phone conversation with the author, January 9, 2019. Sandhya Rani Jha, Room at the Table: Struggle for Unity and Equality in Disciples History (St. Louis: Chalice Press, 2009), 11, reports that Stone "wrote several sermons in Cherokee." Jha cites an unpublished paper written by Garry Sparks at the University of Chicago in 2002 titled "The Relationship of the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) to Native Americans."

[2] Levi Purviance, The Biography of Elder David Purviance (Dayton, OH: B.F. & G.W. Ells, 1848), especially the "Biographical Sketch of Reuben Dooly," 259-70. For Dooley's connection to Stone and Purviance, see 263. Thomas H. Olbricht notes that Samuel Rogers, who became an evangelist in the movement, was converted "under the preaching of Barton W. Stone and Reuben Dooley." See "Rogers, Samuel (1789-1877)," in Encyclopedia of the Stone-Campbell Movement, eds. Douglas A. Foster, Paul M. Blowers, Anthony L. Dunnavant, and  D. Newell Williams (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 2004), 657.

[3] Purviance, The Biography of Elder David Purviance, 259-61.

[4] Ibid., 262.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid., 262-63. On David Haggard, see Colby D. Hall, Rice Haggard: The American Frontier Evangelist Who Revived the Name Christian (Fort Worth, TX: University Christian Church, 1957), 22, 30, 32-35, and Jennie Haggard Ray, History of the Haggard Family in England and America, 1433 to 1899 to 1938 (Dallas, TX: Regional Press, 1938), 46-47.

Friday, January 11, 2019

Restoration Missionaries among the Indians, Pre-1830 (1)

Prior to the Indian Removal Act of 1830, missionaries from various traditions made efforts to evangelize Native Americans. Roman Catholics, the Puritans (later known as Congregationalists), Moravians, Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Baptists, and Methodists were among the most prominent.[1]

At least a few early restorationists made similar attempts. As one might expect, almost all of them were close neighbors to the Indians; they lived along the frontier of the Old Southwest, and thus identified with the "Christian" movement centered in Kentucky.[2] Regarding the history of the Christians, Joseph Thomas, commonly known as "the White Pilgrim," is an important source. In his 1817 memoir titled The Life of the Pilgrim, he implies that there were times when he preached "to some of the friendly tribes."[3]

Thomas was acquainted with a man he identifies simply as J. Smith. He had been "a great politician, a great commander in the revolutionary and Indian wars, and one of the first explorers of the Tennessee and Duck river countries." In his youth, Smith had spent many years as a prisoner of a certain unnamed tribe. Knowing their language, and having since become a preacher of the gospel, he had tried several times to convert them, with mixed results.[4]

More generally, Thomas relates that during the earliest years of the nineteenth century, at least some Christians along the western frontier, because "their hearts swelled with such love and desire for sinners," refused to stop at "the borders of the white people."[5] Thomas continues:
Some of them, not counting their lives dear unto them, directed their courses through the wild deserts into the Indian nations. They there laboured [sic] with that success which gave them to know that their labour was not in vain in the Lord, though they had to encounter unavoidable difficulty and distress. One of those men was among the Indians for months, and I believe years, teaching them to read the holy scriptures. In which time he had the pleasure of seeing not only a reformation from their heathen traditions to pure and undefiled religion, but an unexpected improvement in English reading among his pupils.[6]

[1] For a brief, partial overview, see M. S. Joy, "Missions to Native Americans, Protestant," in Dictionary of Christianity in America, ed. Daniel G. Reid (Downers Grover, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1990), 759-60. A longer, more-detailed survey is provided by R. Pierce Beaver, "The Churches and the Indians: Consequences of 350 Years of Missions, in American Missions in Bicentennial Perspective, ed. R. P. Beaver (South Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1977), 275-331.
        The literature about contact and interaction between American Indians and various types of Euro-American Christians is vast. Notable examples include William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983) who tells a story of the colonization of New England that takes into account the environmental impact of Native Americans as well as the Puritians, the changes both groups brought to the land. Allan Greer, Mohawk Saint: Catherine Tekakwitha and the Jesuits (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005) explores the mission of French Jesuits in present-day New York state and the St. Lawrence River Valley during the late seventeenth century. Greer focuses on the life of a single, striking character who was canonized in 2012. His book provides a good example of what might be called the new missions historiography, a sort of religious borderlands approach that examines both Jesuits and Mohawks. Linford D. Fisher, The Indian Great Awakening: Religion and the Shaping of Native Cultures in Early America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012) recounts a variety of stories about the Native American encounter with Puritanism in southern New England from 1700 to 1820. Fischer highlights how indigenous people appropriated the Awakening in ways that made sense to them. He also points out that vestiges of that moment in history have survived to this day in southeastern Connecticut and the eastern tip of Long Island.
        In a later era, missionaries also attempted to convert those Indians of the southeast who in the nineteenth came to be known as the "Five Civilized Tribes." Among histories that relate something about these missions, see, for example, Arrell M. Gibson, The Chickasaws (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971) and Clara Sue Kidwell, Choctaws and Missionaries in Mississippi, 1818-1918 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995).

[2] For a brief history of this source of the so-called Stone-Campbell Movement, see J. W. Roberts and R. L. Roberts, Jr., "Like Fire in Dry Stubble - The Stone Movement 1804-1832 (Part 1)," Restoration Quarterly 7, no. 3 (1963), 148-58; and R. L. and J. W. Roberts, "Like Fire in Dry Stubble - The Stone Movement 1804-1832," Restoration Quarterly 8, no. 1 (1965), 26-40.

[3] Joseph Thomas, The Life of the Pilgrim, Joseph Thomas (Winchester, VA: J. Foster, 1817), 115.

[4] Ibid., 157-58.

[5] Ibid., 185.

[6] Ibid., 185-86.

Saturday, January 05, 2019

Why Should a Christian Learn Church History?

What follows here is a bit of material I might use in introducing the study of Christian history. . . .

What are some reasons for a Christian studying the history of the church? Why are we doing this? In response to that sort of question, I want to offer two ideas. My hope is that these two concepts can frame and set the tone for everything that follows.

1. The first point is general: We study Christian history because in the same way that memory is vital to personal identity, knowing a shared history is vital to group identity. If a movement is going to remain vibrant, then the people within that movement must know the basics of their history. Along this line, British historian John Tosh writes that no society or movement "can sustain an identity or a common sense of purpose without 'social memory' -- that is, an agreed [upon] picture of a shared past, which in most cases will be positive, if not inspiring."[1] Knowledge of a shared past is basic to identity, and so the church should know its history. A good bit of literature stands behind this view. If someone is looking for scriptural support for this idea, consider the fact that many of the momentous sermons in the Bible include an historical prologue. So, whether it is Moses or Joshua or Samuel speaking to the ancient Israelites, or it's the Apostles preaching in the Book of Acts, many of these sermons begin with the history of the people of God.[2]

2. The second point is directly and distinctively Christian: We study Christian history because many of the episodes teach us lessons and offer examples of people who exhibited true faith. People who are attempting to live a true Christian life need good models of other people who have been, in the words of Romans 12, "joyful in hope, patient in affliction, and faithful in prayer" (verse 12). We often see and hear that very thing whenever we delve into the history of the church. Which is to say that the study of Christian history can have a devotional quality to it, and be spiritually rewarding.


[1] John Tosh, Historians on History, 2nd ed. (Harlow, England: Pearson Educational Limited, 2009), 6.

[2] See, for example, Deuteronomy 1:6-3:29; Joshua 24: 2-13; 1 Samuel 12:6-11; and Acts 13:17-25.